What is the evidence for marketing restrictions on unhealthy foods and beverages?

Fact Sheet

What is the evidence for marketing restrictions on unhealthy foods and beverages? What is the evidence for marketing restrictions on unhealthy foods and beverages?

What is the evidence for marketing restrictions on unhealthy foods and beverages?

Key information:

  • Food and beverage marketing is ubiquitous, and most of it promotes unhealthy products.
  • The food and beverage industry spends billions on marketing that reaches people where they live, learn and play—often targeting children and, in many settings, disproportionately children and caregivers of marginalized racial and ethnic groups, and lower-income communities.
  • This marketing of predominantly unhealthy products shifts social norms around eating, making unhealthy products acceptable, desirable and even aspirational, leading to poorer diets and health outcomes.
  • Comprehensive, mandatory, government-led restrictions can prevent weak industry self-regulation and the shifting of marketing to unregulated channels or age groups. Effective restrictions address both marketing exposure and power.
  • These policies can reduce the volume and persuasiveness of marketing, decreasing unhealthy food and beverage purchases.
  • Marketing restrictions are cost-effective and particularly benefit lower-income children.

This page provides global evidence and guiding questions to help collect local evidence. Where resources are limited, global, regional and comparable-country evidence may be used.

People—especially children and underserved communities—are exposed to pervasive, unhealthy food and beverage marketing where they live, learn and play. The food and beverage industry that produces ultra-processed products spends billions on marketing to shape food preferences and build brand loyalty from an early age.

Key dimensions of marketing

WHO identifies two ways in which marketing reaches and influences people:

  • Exposure: the reach and frequency of messages across media channels
  • Power: the creative content, design and execution that makes marketing persuasive

Marketing is extensive and persuasive

  • Children across 22 countries were exposed to 1.7 to 13.4 unhealthy food ads per hour during peak television (television) viewing times (average: 3.1 ads).
  • Adults across five mostly higher-income countries encountered at least one marketing strategy in the prior month, with brand characters being most prevalent (32%).
  • A review of 71 studies found that food marketing techniques—from television ads to product packaging—broadly shifted children’s attitudes, preferences and consumption toward unhealthy foods.
  • television remains the most prominent channel for marketing exposure, but industry spending is rapidly shifting to digital platforms—social media (Facebook, Instagram, TikTok, Twitch) and video games—following where people spend their time.    

Marketing disproportionately targets underserved communities

  • In lower-middle-income countries, the industry targets children more aggressively than in high-income countries and more prominently showcases its charitable activities.
    • Approximately 12% of posts from McDonalds Instagram accounts in high-income countries included child-targeted themes vs. 22% in lower-middle-income countries.
  • Research from Australia, Canada, Sweden, the United Kingdom and the United States shows that unhealthy food and beverage marketing disproportionately targets people from marginalized racial and ethnic groups and lower socioeconomic backgrounds—including through outdoor advertising in less affluent neighborhoods—potentially worsening diet-related health disparities.[/madeo_footnote]Adams J, Tyrrell R, Adamson AJ, White M. Socio-economic differences in exposure to television food advertisements in the UK: a cross-sectional study of advertisements broadcast in one television region. Public Health Nutr. 2012;15(3):487-94.Sainsbury E, Colagiuri S, Magnusson R. An audit of food and beverage advertising on the Sydney metropolitan train network: regulation and policy implications. BMC Public Health. 2017;17(1):490.'>
    • In the U.S., Black youth and adults viewed 9% to 21% more food and beverage television ads than white counterparts in 2021 (accounting for viewing time differences). Most television ad spending on Spanish-language channels and those targeting Black consumers promoted unhealthy foods like sugary drinks and snacks.

Exposure (Channels)

  • Broadcast (television, radio, movies)
  • Print (magazines, billboards, posters)
  • Digital media (company-owned websites, third-party websites, games, apps, social media, AI-driven targeted advertising)
  • Product packaging
  • School, retail and other environments

Power (Techniques)

  • Using animations (e.g., talking food)
  • Using child-targeted music, jingles, voices or language (“Hey kids!”)
  • Using brand mascots or licensed characters (e.g., McDonald’s clown Ronald McDonald, Elsa from Disney’s Frozen on cereal boxes)
  • Featuring celebrities and influencers, both real and fictional (Pepsi’s sponsorship of footballers like Lionel Messi)
  • Adopting appealing packaging or colors (e.g., gummy candy shaped like animals or “Shrek”-themed Snickers bars with green filling)
  • Sponsoring events or sports teams (e.g., Coca-Cola sponsors FIFA World Cup and releases limited edition World Cup-themed products)
  • Product placement (e.g., Pepsi cans on judging tables during television competitions like Vietnam Idol and American Idol)
  • Downloads (e.g., ringtones, wallpapers)
  • Incentives for purchasing products (e.g., McDonald’s Happy Meals with toys for kids, toys in cereal boxes)

Guiding questions to collect local evidence:

  • What evidence exists on the scale and persuasive power of unhealthy food marketing in your country?
  • What gaps in evidence need to be filled to make the case for comprehensive restrictions?

Pervasive, unhealthy food and beverage marketing contributes to poorer diets and health outcomes. Research demonstrates that this marketing changes social norms and shapes food preferences and consumption across populations. For children, the evidence is especially strong: marketing shapes attitudes toward unhealthy foods, increases dietary intake and contributes to obesity.

The scale of the problem
  • 88% of food policy stakeholders across 24 countries identified unhealthy food marketing as a problem. The respondents that did not were from countries that have already taken or are in the process of taking regulatory action.
  • A WHO systematic review of 118 studies found that 50% to more than 90% of food marketing promoted unhealthy foods, with sweetened beverages being the most marketed category.
  • Across 22 countries, television had four times more ads for unhealthy foods than healthy ones, with more than one-third of unhealthy ads airing during peak children’s viewing times.
Impact on children’s food choices, consumption and health outcomes
  • A meta-analysis and review of 17 randomized controlled trials found that children exposed to marketing were 10 percent more likely to select the advertised foods and beverages and that exposure to marketing led to an immediate increase of approximately 30 calories consumed.
  • A meta-analysis of 16 studies found that children exposed to 4.4 minutes of television advertising increased short-term food consumption by 60 calories compared to those who did not view advertising. Playing an advergame with food cues for five minutes increased consumption by approximately 53 calories.
  • A systematic review of 26 studies found that exposure to marketing via advergames or social media significantly affected children’s diet‐related outcomes, including higher intake of unhealthy food and beverages.
  • A review of 12 studies found that marketing encourages children to request advertised foods—which are consistently high in fat, salt or sugar—and parents often purchase these less healthy foods.
  • A two-year study across eight European countries found that children who often requested items seen on television had 1.3 times the odds of becoming overweight.

Guiding questions to collect local evidence:

  • How prevalent is unhealthy food and beverage marketing, and to what extent are children exposed?
  • How can local data be used to build the case for comprehensive marketing restrictions?

Restricting unhealthy food and beverage marketing refers to government-led policies that limit or ban the advertising, promotion and sponsorship of products high in nutrients or ingredients of concern (fat, salt, sugar, nonsugar sweeteners) that are often ultra-processed.

The need for such restrictions is clear: food and beverage marketing is pervasive, with the majority promoting unhealthy products to which children are exposed, contributing to poorer diets and health outcomes across generations.

-> See best practice recommendations for food and beverage marketing restrictions.

The scope should cover all marketing to which children may be exposed 

Many policy objectives focus exclusively on marketing targeted at children. To effectively protect children, policies should apply to all unhealthy food and beverage marketing to which they may be exposed. Age-based restrictions alone are insufficient, because:

  • Children’s and adults’ media spaces are not clearly separated
  • Adults purchase food for children and shape their preferences
  • Industry can migrate to unregulated channels
  • Enforcement is hampered by the lack of clear criteria for determining whether an ad is child-directed

-> See Food Policy Hub’s case study “How the U.K. Moved Beyond Child-Directed Restrictions to Restrict Unhealthy Food Marketing”

Guiding questions to collect local evidence:

Is the marketing of unhealthy foods and beverages regulated in your setting?

Yes:

  • What are the opportunities to strengthen existing policies toward comprehensive regulation?

No:

  • What are the advocacy opportunities to initiate marketing restrictions?

Policies that limit food and beverage marketing have been found to reduce the volume and persuasiveness of marketing and contribute to reduced purchases, but their impact has been constrained by limited scope, with industry often migrating to unregulated channels.

  • After the U.K. banned television advertising of foods high in fat, salt and sugar during programming for children aged 4–15, children viewed 37% fewer such ads. Yet, these gains were offset by reallocation of advertising spend toward non-television media, and children’s overall relative exposure to unhealthy food advertising did not change, while exposure among all viewers increased.
  • After South Korea introduced regulations banning television advertising of unhealthy foods during the 5–7 p.m. children’s prime time slot and during commercial breaks of children’s programs outside those hours, the number of television ads for unhealthy foods and beverages during regulated hours decreased by 81%.
    • However, following implementation, unhealthy food companies were more likely than non-unhealthy food companies to increase their use of online, mobile and social marketing—suggesting that restrictions on one channel can prompt industry to migrate to unregulated ones.
  • A systematic review of 44 studies found food and beverage marketing restrictions were more likely to reduce children’s exposure and marketing power when they were: mandatory, designed to protect children of all ages, applied to television advertising and based on a government-led nutrient profile model.

Chile’s integrated approach: stronger results through coordinated policy

Chile’s law restricts child-directed marketing of foods high in nutrients of concern—the same products required to carry front-of-package warning labels—across all media channels, bans their sale and free distribution in schools, and prohibits child-directed marketing techniques such as cartoon characters or contests targeting children under 14.

Evaluations show:

  • Cereal boxes using child-targeted marketing strategies dropped from 36% to 21%.
  • Unhealthy food and beverage ads on television dropped by 64% overall, with a 77% reduction during children’s programming. Ads with child-targeted content dropped by 67%, and children’s exposure to unhealthy food ads decreased by 73%.
  • The comprehensive law was associated with households purchasing fewer high-in products: 37% less sugar, 23% fewer calories, 22% less sodium and 16% less saturated fat.

Despite these results, important gaps remain. The law is limited to marketing intended to appeal to children, rather than covering all marketing that children may be exposed to regardless of intended audience—a gap that becomes especially significant in digital environments.

-> See Food Policy Hub’s case study “How Chile Integrated Marketing Restrictions Into Comprehensive Food Policy”

Guiding questions to collect local evidence:

If marketing restrictions exist:

  • Which channels are currently unregulated, and is there evidence of industry migrating to those channels?
  • Does your policy cover all media children are exposed to, or only child-directed content?
  • Is there a monitoring system in place to track compliance and changes in advertising spend?

Regardless of whether restrictions exist:

  • How can you use this evidence to make the case for comprehensive marketing restrictions?
  • Is there an opportunity to integrate marketing restrictions with other policies for healthier food environments?

Restricting food and beverage marketing is cost-effective in the long term. Health benefits—such as improved life expectancy and reduced health care costs—outweigh the resources needed to implement these restrictions.

  • All nine modeling studies in a WHO review found that policies to protect children from unhealthy food marketing would be cost-effective or cost-saving in the long term.
    • A study from Australia found that eliminating unhealthy food marketing from television during daytime hours would save approximately AUD $784 million (~US$520 million in 2018 dollars) in health care expenditures. Children from lower socioeconomic backgrounds would experience 1.5 times higher health benefits and 1.4 times higher total cost savings over a lifetime.
  • An OECD analysis of obesity prevention policies in 36 countries found that regulating food and beverage advertising to children costs only about 20% of what it returns in economic benefits—or for every purchasing power parity (PPP) $1 invested, approximately PPP $4-5 is returned.

Guiding question to collect local evidence:

  • Are there cost-effectiveness studies for marketing restrictions in similar settings?
  • What are the opportunities to conduct a cost-effectiveness study for marketing restrictions?

WHO guidelines emphasize that effective policies must address both exposure to and power (influence) of unhealthy food and beverage marketing. Policies should restrict all forms of unhealthy food marketing across all age groups, platforms and marketing techniques.

-> See Food Policy Hub’s best practice recommendations to learn what makes a policy comprehensive

The gap between best practice and current implementation:

As of May 2022, 60 countries have adopted food and beverage marketing policies, but most use either industry-led voluntary approaches or government-led stepwise (partial) approaches with gaps:

  • Only 20 have mandatory marketing restrictions
  • Another 18 have mandatory policies limited to school settings

Common loopholes include:

  • Covering only younger children (aged 12 years or younger)
  • Using weak nutrient criteria to determine which food and beverages are subject to marketing restrictions
  • Regulating only certain media platforms
  • Restricting only in narrowly defined child-directed media

Evidence of ineffectiveness of voluntary approaches:

  • A study across 22 countries found that unhealthy food marketing during children’s peak viewing times was higher in countries with industry self-regulation than in countries with no policies at all (3.8 ads per hour vs. 2.6).

Evidence of marketing migration with stepwise policy:

  • Studies have demonstrated the migration of food and beverage marketing to nonregulated age groups or platforms following stepwise (partial) policy.

Mandatory stepwise policies can still work:

  • Well-designed and implemented, mandatory, stepwise policies have been shown to reduce exposure to and power of marketing and contribute to reduced purchases. (See section: How do marketing restrictions work?) However, comprehensive policies that close loopholes could deliver even greater public health benefits.

Is the marketing of unhealthy foods and beverages regulated in your setting?

Yes:

  • What opportunities exist to strengthen restrictions? (e.g., expand to cover all age groups and platforms)
  • Is local data available showing gaps in current restrictions? (e.g., evidence of marketing shifting to older age groups)

No:

  • What opportunities exist to introduce comprehensive marketing restrictions?